The Hijacking of the Brillante Virtuoso

2868

A MYSTERIOUS ASSAULT.

AN UNSOLVED MURDER.

AND A SHIP THAT HASN’T GIVEN UP ALL ITS SECRETS

In 2011, when Tottman, the London detective, returned from investigating Mockett’s death in Aden, he was immediately summoned to brief the British government in Westminster. Officials asked who’d set the bomb: Criminals? The government? Terrorists? In Yemen, Tottman said, it could be all three at the same time. In an interview, Gerald Feierstein, the U.S. ambassador to Yemen from 2010 to 2013, agreed with that assessment. “Corruption was endemic in the military and the civil government,” he said. Strapped for cash, the Yemeni navy was also hiring its ships and men out for private security jobs in the Gulf of Aden, Feierstein added. “It was a time of complete political chaos.”

It’s only gotten worse. Yemen is in a state of near-anarchy, and building a murder case would be impossible for even a committed team of detectives. British police aren’t investigating Mockett’s death. Apparently, no government agency is. The only formal inquiry into his murder was held by a local coroner in Plymouth, Mockett’s hometown, in 2012; it recorded a verdict of “unlawful killing,” without identifying suspects. (Cynthia Mockett declined to comment.)

The investigation into the Brillante has its limits as well. As of July 19, 2017, City of London police hadn’t yet spoken to Allan Marquez—the man who first spotted the Brillante’s attackers and helped them aboard. That night, on the eve of the six-year anniversary of Mockett’s killing, a Bloomberg Businessweek reporter reached Marquez on a ship that was just entering a French port. His words came pouring out in rapid English, his second language. He’d been waiting a long time, he said, to tell his story.

Marquez alleged that after the attack, Iliopoulos sought him out at his hotel in Aden and threatened him. The shipowner wanted him to alter or omit parts of his account of the hijacking when giving statements to investigators, Marquez said. He added that Tabares confronted him, too, at a hotel in Manila weeks later.

Marquez elaborated over multiple phone calls, online chats, and an in-person interview in his native Tagalog. To explain his reasons for going public, he wrote at one point that he was no longer afraid of “both of them,” meaning Iliopoulos and Tabares. Now, he wrote, “im afraid to god. How long I can hide the truth in my conscience.” Before signing off, he wrote, “I hope that justice must prevailed.”

Iliopoulos didn’t respond to multiple, sustained interview requests sent via his London lawyer and his secretary or to emails and faxes. A letter brought by courier to his office in Piraeus, Greece, was refused. Suez didn’t respond to a letter sent to its registered address in the Marshall Islands. Tabares didn’t respond to multiple requests for comment. Neither did Gonzaga or multiple members of the Brillante crew.

The Brillante Virtuoso’s final destination was Gadani Beach, a shipbreaking yard on Pakistan’s Arabian Sea coast. The ship was hauled onto the sand, stripped of anything of value, and torn apart, piece by piece, by workers who make a few dollars a day.

Iliopoulos continues to be active in Greece. Local newspapers reported earlier this year that he was bidding for a stake in Hellenic Seaways, a major ferry company. Meanwhile, it’s likely that he has at least one more major vessel at sea. Atop Gonzaga’s Facebook page is a photo of another tanker, the Despina Andrianna. That ship’s registered owner, according to maritime databases, is an obscure company with an address opposite the ferry terminal in Piraeus. Iliopoulos has testified that the same address is his own. At press time, the Despina Andrianna was moored in Cuba, preparing to sail with an unknown number of souls.

Did you subscribe for our daily newsletter?

It’s Free! Click here to Subscribe!

Source: Bloomberg